

Daniel Finkelstein
Inside Westminster everyone agrees that the Andrew Mitchell issue is a nightmare for the Conservatives. Is this correct?
I do have my own views on this, but let me try instead just some cool voter analysis.
Well, it is certainly a nuisance. It is a distraction for the leadership, it depresses morale in the Commons, it undermines the whips’ office and, because the Westminster lobby (who own the story) regard it as a huge political issue, it makes the tone of coverage worse. It further damages an already bad relationship with the police.
And any story that makes the Prime Minister look as if he isn’t in control of the situation is a bad story.
But beyond that?
Well, first things first. Voters don’t know who Andrew Mitchell is. And they don’t know what a chief whip does.
They also don’t follow this sort of story. They may have noticed it (although my understanding is that recall in focus groups was almost zero) but they certainly won’t be wondering what happened.
There are three issues still running, so let’s look at each of them. Assuming that voters recall it, the use of the word “pleb” is only more of a problem than swearing if it is commonly understood to have class connotations. It is by no means certain that people have a clear understanding of the word pleb.
The second question is whether the police are being accused of lying. Voters do not unquestioningly believe the police.
And finally, while people don’t believe in swearing at the police, and always think politicians should resign, voters are strongly disinclined to believe in media storms (if you can believe in a storm, but you know what I mean). They will blame the media for the whole saga as much as Mitchell and the police and will regard the whole thing as a whole bunch of people in Westminster entertaining themselves on an irrelevant issue.
When looking at the issue purely in terms of public opinion, David Cameron can ride this one out.
Daniel Finkelstein is chief leader writer and a columnist for The Times. Read his latest column on Jimmy Savile and celebrity power and contact him on Twitter @Dannythefink
“Classic was Jimmy Savile’s use of the cloak of authority and kindness. Savile’s celebrity allowed him to acquire this authority. As we consider the regulation of the media and the legal right to privacy it is worth reflecting on how the Savile scandal happened. It happened because the aura of Sir Jimmy’s celebrity protected him from scrutiny by the press.”
Daniel Finkelstein on celeb power and the Jimmy Savile child abuse scandal. Read more
Did they award a Barclays Interest Rate Manager of the Month?
— Daniel Finkelstein (@Dannythefink) June 29, 2012

Today’s Telegraph features an attack by Peter Oborne on Michael Ashcroft and Conservative Home. His theory, essentially, is that Lord Ashcroft took Con Home and transformed it into a critic of the leadership. The reason? Revenge and ideology.
Very interesting. All with the usual Oborne verve. Just a shame it is quite wrong.
First, I am confident that Michael Ashcroft does not interfere in the editorial policy of Conservative Home. Even indirectly. That is not his practice. I worked with him when he was Treasurer of the party and it wasn’t his practice then either.
Second, Ashcroft has always been a funder of modernising ideas and rigorous polling research. I doubt very much that Conservative Home’s position is his.
Third, Tim Montgomerie’s criticisms of David Cameron have a long history. I disagree with Tim but I trust his independence.
Twitter: @Dannythefink
“Austerity could still be a vote-winner” – read Daniel’s latest column
Spain 68 per cent to get past Portugal tonight and 45.7 per cent to win trophy #euro2012
— Daniel Finkelstein (@Dannythefink) June 27, 2012

In our own leader on the Prime Minister’s welfare reform speech we raise the question of whether the elderly should share in the task of reducing welfare bills (we say that they should). The Independent has today published research by the Institute for Fiscal Studies which adds to this argument.
Time, I think, for anyone who hasn’t yet done so to read the brilliant book The Pinch: How the Baby Boomers Took Their Children’s Future – And How They Can Give it Back by David Willetts.
My column when the book was published in 2010 is here.
Twitter: @Dannythefink
Read more: Where should the limits of the State be on welfare?

Yesterday Len McCluskey, leader of the Unite union, decided to quote Lenin to advance his cause. Explaining the advantages of his new £25 million fighting fund to back strikes, he pointed out:
Lenin said finance is the sinews of war.
This seemed very odd, for three reasons.
The first is that Lenin was a murderous individual whose idea of war went further than shutting down the lost luggage desk in Luton airport. It seems extraordinary to quote from him. But there you go.
The second is that, while it is possible that Mr McCluskey was translating from the original Russian, the grammar of Lenin’s pearl of wisdom is not its greatest advertisement.
But the third, more important reason it struck as odd is that the quote was originally from Cicero, not Lenin.
Twitter: @Dannythefink
Read more: Union prepares for ‘trouble ahead’ with £25m strike fund

Have you ever wondered why such a large proportion of scam e-mails are really bad?
So much of the time they are poorly written, with spelling errors and terrible English. And they ask the recipient to believe they are genuine, even though the structure and content of the request (“my dad was the head of the Nigerian secret service and I want to deposit his bequest in your bank account”) is both unbelievable and familiar.
Surely with a tiny bit of effort the scams could be improved and get a better response?
This link provides a plausible explanation for why this doesn’t happen.
The senders want to be sure those who respond are genuinely good targets. A really bad scam e-mail ensures a low level of false positives.
Quite convincing.
Twitter: @Dannythefink
Too smart to be stung by an e-mail scam? Read more

The gap between David Cameron and Ed Miliband on Jimmy Carr’s tax bill seems uninteresting at first. Miliband’s assertion that politicians shouldn’t lecture on morality but should change the law appears to be a bit of (understandable) Opposition distancing. Understandable because, naturally, he thinks it’s immoral. But he can see that the whole moral attack might go wrong for Cameron.
I think that this gap is more interesting than it seems.
Cameron believes that things that are legal can be immoral, and that a politician can say that. Miliband does not agree. He thinks if things are immoral they should be made illegal. And there is no role for a politician to take moral stands without outlawing the subject of their attack.
In other words, they are having an argument about a core proposition of Cameron’s Big Society.
Twitter: @Dannythefink
“Albert Einstein once said that filing a tax return was too difficult for a mathematician and so required a philosopher.” Read more
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Attlee’s farewell was no less grand than Thatcher’s
Daniel Finkelstein
During the debate over Margaret Thatcher’s funeral, there was quite a bit said about the simplicity of Attlee’s.
Pathe have collected together the funerals of prime ministers since the first one (Gladstone’s) was filmed. They show the many 20th-century precedents for this week’s ceremony.
For instance, the military honours accorded to Lady Thatcher were also accorded to Andrew Bonar Law and Ramsay MacDonald, neither of whom had fought a war and the latter of whom was a pacifist objector in World War One.
Lloyd George, for instance, chose to be buried in Wales. But there was a service in the Abbey. Here is a picture of Winston Churchill leaving the service with Attlee http://www.friendsreunited.co.uk/politics-david-lloyd-george-memorial-service-westminster-abbey/Memory/8f6dbb54-a858-426a-a358-a05200ff25db
So the idea that this week was a party political event without precedent is simply wrong. Every prime minister’s passing is marked with great ceremony and Lady Thatcher’s was perfectly normal.